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Unde usque hodie dicitur: Octo istos genuit Melcha Nachor fratri Abrahae. Responditque Ephron Hetthaeus ad Abraham, filiis Heth audientibus cunctis, qui ingrediebantur portam civitatis illius, dicens: Terra quadringentorum siclorum argenti inter me et te quid est hoc? Descendit ad fontem et implevit hydriam ac revertebatur.
Celeriterque deposuit hydriam super ulnam suam et dedit ei potum. Est in domo patris tui locus nobis ad pernoctandum? Quid, si noluerit venire mecum mulier? Domine, Deus domini mei Abraham, si direxisti viam meam, in qua nunc ambulo, 43 ecce sto iuxta fontem aquae; et virgo, quae egredietur ad hauriendam aquam, audierit a me: Et aio ad eam: Da mihi paululum bibere.
Bibi, et adaquavit camelos. Suspendi itaque anulum in naribus eius et armillas posui in manibus eius. Surgens autem mane locutus est puer: Cumque levasset oculos, vidit camelos venientes.
At illa tollens cito velum operuit se. From I to Y The vowels e and i in hiatus become closed resulting in the semi-consonant y: The author of the Appendix Probi cautions his pupils against writing vinia, cavia, lancia, calcius, baltius, forms which are met thousands of times in Merovingian Latin.
Similarly o and u in hiatus change to a semi-consonant; cf. Occasionally these vowels simply disappeared. Instead of quietus, Neapolis, duodecim, they said quetus, Napolis, dodeci, a pronunciation reflected in the synizesis of medieval poetry.
Prothetic Vowels Before the initial clusters sp, sc, st, a prothetic vowel develops: Later, the bilabial u became labiodental v ; the ancient articulation was not kept except after g and q lingua, aqua, qualis.
At the same time the Germans still possessed a bilabial in words such as werra, wardon. When the Romans borrowed these words, they tried to produce the initial sound by gu: Aspiration When we read in the App.
In this manner, quomodo is reduced to comodo and como as early as the inscriptions of Pompeii [A. The aspiration h, on its way out of use from the time before Latin writing, served in the later language only as an orthographic sign, giving rise to much confusion: This development is attested in the imperial era, in inscriptions and texts, by spellings such as: The sounds ty and ky underwent a similar assibilation.
In texts of the Middle Ages, the spellings gracia, spacium, contemplacio, racionabilis, are countless, while the erroneous converse, provintia, offitium, etc. Gegi and ce, ci are palatalized and assibilated in the greater part of the Latin speaking world.
In this position the fate of g was the same as that of i; cf. The first examples of the palatization of ce, ci trace back to the fifth century, when there appeared a form such as intcitamento. We will discuss the phenomenon at greater length. Certain intervocalic groups were simplified. So -nct- became -nt-: Much earlier, -ns- was reduced to -s- observed throughout the Roman world.
From the archaic era, cesor attested for censor and the author of the App. In the group -mn- the two nasals became assimilated to -nn- at times to -mm. We find, therefore, forms such as alunnus or sollemmo in the inscriptions and, in the Middle Ages, in the texts cf. The Romance languages also suggest a tendancy toward assimilation in the groups -pt- and -ps- producing the spellings settembris, scriserunt, etc. As for final consonants, m had a very weak articulation from the beginning of Latin writing.
In the imperial era the tendancy to suppress this sound became general. In the proclitic words haud, sed, ad, apud, quod, quid, the final consonant lost its vocalization before a mute consonant early: This gave rise to a great uncertainty regarding the spelling of these words. The interchange between apud-aput, quid-quit, led to the forms capud, reliquid, among others.
But in this regard, we must also consider the disappearance of final t in the spoken language, attested already at Pompeii: Based on the model niger, nigra, nigrum, one began to deline acer, acra, acrum; pauper, paupera, pauperum. When one could no longer distinguish between os, "mouth," and os, "bone," the latter noun was replaced by ossum, -i, a form accepted by St.
Within the Third Declension, imparisyllabics of the type bos, bovis, lac, lactis give way to a leveling tendancy and acquire a new nominative bovis and lacte. Decline of Case System The case system begins to recede. The vocative is in full retreat, replaced by the nominative, and prepositional phrases--chiefly with de, ad, per, cum--are substituted more and more for genitive, dative, and ablative.
After prepositions, the use of the accusative becomes generalized; we find even in the inscriptions of Pompeii a pulvinar, cum discentes suos. The development of final sounds results in a fusion of accusative and ablative: The hesitation of the language between these two cases appears in certain constructions.
One no longer distinguishes neatly between ubi and quo, in provincia and in provinciam, in civitatibus and in civitates; the accusative begins to be used as a direct object of the verbs uti, egere, maledicere, nocere, persuadere and others; it replaces the genitive of price vendere aliquid decem solidos, etc. As for adjectives and adverbs, we note the confusion of the positive, comparative, and superlative. The comparative is expressed more frequently with the use of magis and plus, the adverb by phrases such as firma mente.
Pronouns tend toward normalization. We often read illum for illud, illae for illius, illo and illae for illi. In the spoken language the relatives qui and quem supplant the feminine forms quae and quam and the paradigm is also simplified by the fusion of the forms quod, quid and quae. The system of demonstratives was too complicated to last. Is and hic, which survived only in a few traces in the Romance languages, are replaced by iste, ille, ipse, and these are often confused.
Ipse may also be found in the sense of idem. The monosyllables tot and quot give way before tanti and quanti. A pleonastic reflexive pronoun is often added to a verb: Note also the use of toti for omnes, of quique for omnes and the confusion of the relatives quisquis, quicumque and of the indefinites quivis, quisque.
Nearly all the synthetic forms of the Latin future disappeared without a trace in the Romance languages. The beginning of their loss was owed to the growing use of periphrastic expressions shown in the literature of the imperial age. Debere, velle, habere with an infinitive often express not only obligation or volition, but even the purely temporal future; cf.
Deponent forms were eliminated from the spoken language early; one finds often in the texts horto, uto, vesco, etc. On the other hand, perfects like mortuus est, secutus est resisted and even served as model for innovations such as interitus est, ventus est, etc.
Dag Norberg, A Practical Handbook of Medieval Latin (Paris )
Though the supines fall into disuse, the use of the infinitive is greatly expanded. It becomes common after facere in a phrase such as facere aliquem venire, "have someone come"; Fr. In the early versions of the Bible we find for the first time an infinitive preceded by the preposition ad: The construction appears to result from conflation of the expressions dare aliquid manducare and dare aliquid ad manducandum.
The ablative of the gerundive often replaces the present participle to express concomitance: Several of these new adverbs also served as prepositions. A characteristic trait of late Latin is the confusion of conjunctions. So, nam at times takes on an adversative force, autem is used in the place of nam, seu and vel in place of et.
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Because of this weakening of sense, many conjunctions disappeared from the everyday language, among others sed, autem, at, verum, nam, enim. But in Latin literature, they can always be found, and often in an unexpected way: The conjunction quod tends to be introduced everywhere. It is found in phrases such as dico quod or eo quod, quia, quoniamtimeo quod, volo quod or quatenus, qualiter, quoante quod, post quod, pro quod.
There are still several linguistic changes which deserve mention, but as we will have occasion to discuss them later, we will stop here. We add only certain general facts concerning lexicon. Monosyllables were often replaced by words of two or more syllables. Eo, eunt, which became monosyllables, and is, it were discarded from the conjugation of the present, which in Late Latin vado, vadis, vadit, imus, itis, vadunt, and we see this in the texts.
The diminutives and iterative verbs were more expressive than simple words. One preferred agnellus to agnus, cantare to canere. Compound verbs were often reinforced by the addition of a new prefix: Latin in Pre-carolingian Gaul Despite the changes which we are about to note, the spoken language of the late Empire kept as a whole the structure of Latin, and the fall of Roman power did not produce immediate changes.
In the new Germanic kingdoms, founded on the ruins of the ancient Empire, barbarian princes were not hostile to Roman culture. The majority passively accepted its existence, and some, such as the great Theodoric, were even patrons of scholarship.
Clearly, lands had suffered enormously from the invasion; the invaders had sacked, burned and killed, but once the hurricane had passed, the greatest damage was repaired, and Romans generally continued to live as before. The conquerors, not very numerous, wisely let stand the greatest part of the ancient administrative system. The Roman population continued to live according to the laws, and the grammarians and teachers of rhetoric still taught in the fora of the towns.
The barbarians themselves in many cases began to acquaint themselves with Latin culture. They used Latin, for instance, as a language of diplomacy and legislation. Nevertheless, this did not result in the preservation of ancient culture. In northern Gaul, where the barbarian element of the population was very large, the Franks preserved their national customs, and their prestige with the subject population was so great that these subjects adopted the laws and institutions of the barbarians.
From their conquerors the Latin population quickly borrowed words such as mundboro [guardianship;] in Latin texts mundiburdusOFr. The large number of such borrowings attests to the change of outlook among the Romans in the kingdom of the Franks. Inthe Franks chased the Visigoths from Toulouse, and in they annexed the kingdom of Burgundy. In this way they extended their influence to parts of Gaul, which, until this period, had faithfully preserved their Roman character.
However, at the time of the Frankish conquest, the economic situation of the towns deteriorated; the new masters brought no cure, and the municipal authorities could no longer bear the expense of a grammarian's or rhetoric teacher's salary. When the schools closed, instruction in classical literature sought refuge at the hearth of the great aristocratic households, where one led an increasingly difficult existence for nearly another century.
After the middle of the seventh century, the ancient school system completely disappeared. This system had produced an essentially grammatical and literary culture. For this reason, the ancient school was able to exercise a strong conservative influence on linguistic development. The schools of clerics and monks, the only form of education which remained, arose from completely different origins and with far more limitations.
Clerics and monks needed access to sacred texts, and for this, it was enough to know how to read. After the disappearance of the ancient school, nothing could slow the development of the language. We can form an idea of this development by analyzing certain linguistic phenomena of the spoken language which slipped into Latin texts too often to be accidental. Authors did not hesitate to introduce the change into texts.
At the end of the sixth century, the work of Gregory of Tours may give just one example: Similarly, this form did not appear at all in some texts of the eighth century, and it seems possible to conclude that this development was complete by about the yearat least in the areas where these texts were written.
Let us consider another example in the area of syntax. Among classical authors, the possessive adjective suus refers to the subject of the clause in which it appears, and, in some instances, to the subject of the principal clause; in other instances the demonstrative pronouns eius, illius, eorum, and illorum were used.
Still, exceptions to this rule can be found even in the classical period, and in late texts the confusion becomes more frequent. However, from the sixth century, a new system begins to take shape in texts written in Gaul. In a document ofwe read uxor sua in libertate permaneat, "may his wife remain free," instead of the Latin construction uxor eius, and, conversely, A. This development is fully in place, for example, in the Life of St. Goar, written about There, the new syntactical system is completely standard and surely represents the state of the spoken language.
These two changes, of little importance in themselves, are interesting because they are neither isolated cases nor due to chance. Their number is so great that, taken with other evidence, we may draw very definite conclusions concerning the chronology of their development.
Everything leads one to believe that in about the spoken langauge in Gaul had changed its structure in such way that it must be called Romance rather than Latin. From the eighth century on, we can also find entire phrases which reflect the spoken language of this period and which allow us to catch a glimpse of the stage reached in this development.
An early manuscript from Lyons has preserved a Latin song, to which the following refrain was added, to be sung by the people: Christi, resuveniad te de mi peccatore. The spelling is half-Latin for Christe, resubveniat te de me peccatore, but the construction is Romance Fr.
In Latin, one would have expected Christe, respice me peccatorem. Evidently, the scribe took the trouble to commit to parchment a phrase in the vernacular and attempted to Latinize the spelling but had to leave the construction as it was.
More interesting still are the parodistic words added in the eighth century in a manuscript of the Salic Law, where we read the phrase: Contemporaries were not able to realize the linguistic development in which they were participating nor were they able to analyze its consequences.
Before the beginning of the ninth century no one perceived that in northern Gaul the difference between the written and the spoken language had become so great that the written language was no longer understood by those who had not studied it. Inin the well-known council of Tours, it was decided "that all bishops, in their sermons, give necessary exhortations for the edification of the people, and that they translate these sermons into rustica Romana lingua, or into German, so that all be able to understand what they say.
Some years later, inthe Oaths of Strasbourg, drafted in Old French, open the literary era of the new language. Having discussed the historical conditions and the development of the spoken language, we must turn our attention to the literary Latin written in Gaul during the same period. It is self-evident that the general and progressive decline of education is reflected in the texts. At the beginning of the sixth century, an author such as Caesarius of Arles still expresses himself in a clear and elegant Latin.
If the language of his contemporary, St. Avitus of Vienne, appear less attractive to us, it is because the latter knows rhetorical techniques too well and affects the precious and inflated style so dear to the learned of late antiquity. Toward the end of the century, Gregory of Tours impresses us with his originality and his storyteller's art in the History of the Franks, but every page attests to the decline in the knowledge of grammar.
They appear to strive desperately to formulate their thoughts in Latin, though good usage had fallen into disuse much earlier. Let us pause a moment to analyze the various elements of this linguistic barbarism. Merovingian Latin, in particular, was profoundly influenced by the spoken language. This influence shows two sides: The confusion of ae and e is a characteristic example. After several centuries the diphthong was simplified in pronunciation and, therefore, nothing is more common in texts than forms such as que and eternus for quae and aeternus.
But even in the darkest era some idea, though very vague, was preserved of the combination ae. In the formulas of Angers, which date from the end of the seventh century, one finds forms such as diae, aei, aemitto, prosequaere, quaem, etc. The correct use of the vowels e and i was just as difficult.
It is likely that the forms menus and se, which one finds in the same formulas instead of minus and si, represent actual pronunciation; cf. Likewise, the Old French forms fis, fist and li appear to attest the popular usage of fici, ficit and illi instead of the classical forms feci, fecit, and ille. However, viro for vero is surely a spelling error.
The confusion between ae, e and i is particularly evident in the incorrect use of endings in which the pronunciation has been weakened in northern Gaul. One can even find, for example, sancti basileci instead of sanctae basilicae and vidi instead of vitae.
This last example helps to illustrate another phenomenon of the spoken language. The language knew a vocalization of intervocalic mutes, as the following examples show: Reflecting daily speech the formulas of Angers give prado, nutrido, rabacis, proseuere, seuli instead of prato, nutrito, rapaces, prosequere, saeculi. However, the author or authors often did their best to avoid these forms, leading to hyperurbanisms such as deti and coticis for dedi and codices, paco for pago, and ducas for duas.
We have already mentioned the palatalization of c and g before e and i in the formulas of Angers: In northern Gaul, initial c and g were palatalized even before a; cf.
One must suppose that causa first became chausa pronounced tchausa and then Fr chose. For the chronology of this development, it is interesting to note that the reduction of au to o was already present at Angers in the period of the composition of these formulas. This is how we must explain the reversed forms austes for hostis, austiliter for hostiliter and caus for quos pronounced cos; cf. We can note further that the simplification of double consonants in the spoken language led to forms such as redere, nulatenus, consignasit in the formulas of Angers and, conversely, deffensor or summus for sumus.
However, there are other errors which come solely from ignorance of Latin grammar and from the inability to analyze the language. The mechanical assimilation of endings becomes a common tendancy. At the beginning of the formulas of Angers, the author wanted to write pro largitate tua, but the ending of the noun in e influenced the ending of the adjective, which produced pro largitate tuae.
The less profound the knowledge of the literary language, the more one depended on fixed formulas when trying to write. In Latin documents, for example, the words cum aquis aquarumve decursibus appeared often, and a certain visual note was made, without the ability to analyze the function of the endings.
In the formulas of Angers, aquarumve decursibus was used as a direct object: It would be easy to multiply such examples, but it is unnecessary. The only conclusion that we can draw about the spoken language, is that the ending -ibus disappeared.
The written Latin of the Merovingian era is an artificial product where recollections of the literary language appear randomly, fixed formulas arise from the preceding periods, features belong to the spoken language, inverse spellings or hyperurbanisms, and errors pure and simple.
Toward the yearthis Latin became completely chaotic. A language in which vidi, caus, abis, diligo, haec contra, can have the sense of vitae, quos, habes, delego, econtra, in which se can have the meaning of si, sed, sit, in which a, ab and ad are confused, in which the forms murs and mur--the case of the singular subject and object in the paradigm of the spoken language--are rendered by murus, muros or murum, muro, muru, mure, muri, etc.
A reform was necessary and, theoretically, one could have chosen one of the following two solutions: Practically speaking, the first alternative was impossible.
The creation of a new written language would have demanded of the general culture a very high standard of education and a capacity to analyze the linguistic situation which no one possessed any longer. No one thought of it, and the very idea would have been premature.
The prestige of antiquity was intact, Latin was the sole language of western civilization. The only means of raising the prevailing standard was to resume the study of Latin grammar and literature and to reorganize the schools. Efforts were made to reform education beginning in the middle of the eighth century. An American scholar, Mario A. Pei, has shown that the first results of such a reform appeared in the charters of Pepin the Short.
He compared the language of two groups of royal documents, one dating fromthe other of exactly the same subject from the years In the second group, the corresponding numbers are and 37, that is, classical spelling was retained, except in 37 cases. In the first group, the ancient diphthong ae remains in 81 instances and is replaced by e 90 times, in the later group we read ae times and e for ae only 27 times. We find eo for eu for example, in the word seo 26 times in the documents from the beginning of the century though eu is preserved 40 times.
In the later documents eo is found 3 times, eu 43 times. Pei has also compared two original documents of andof which the second was based on the first. At your right hand are delights, even to the end. Exaudi Domine iustitiam meam: Auribus percipe orationem meam, non in labiis dolosis. Lord, listen to my justice, attend to my supplication. Pay attention to my prayer, which is not from deceitful lips. Let your eyes behold fairness.
You have examined me by fire, and iniquity has not been found in me. I have kept to difficult ways because of the words of your lips. Incline your ear to me and heed my words. Sub umbra alarum tuarum protege me: My enemies have surrounded my soul.
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They have cast their eyes down to the earth. They put on the mask of false humility, casting their eyes downward, as if humble, while they act with self-exaltation and condescension. Deliver my soul from the impious one: Their gut has been filled from your hidden stores. They have been filled with sons, and they have bequeathed to their little ones the remainder.
I will be satisfied when your glory appears. For David, the servant of the Lord, who spoke the words of this canticle to the Lord, in the day that the Lord delivered him from the hand of all his enemies and from the hand of Saul.
Deus meus adiutor meus, et sperabo in eum. My God is my helper, and I hope in him: And I will be saved from my enemies. And he listened to my voice from his holy temple. And my cry in his presence entered into his ears. The foundations of the mountains were disturbed, and they were shaken, because he was angry with them. And darkness was under his feet. He multiplied lightnings, and he set them in disarray.
And he took me up, out of many waters. For they had been too strong for me. He accomplished my salvation, because he willed me. Deus meus illumina tenebras meas. My God, enlighten my darkness. The eloquence of the Lord has been examined by fire.